Both Islam and Christianity came to Nigeria as
foreign religions, and were gladly embraced by
the people. The two religions drew a sketchy
geo-social divide. In spite of the presence of
faithfuls of the two religions in all parts of the
country, the north is predominantly Muslim and
the south predominantly Christians. The two
faiths exists side by side, sharing some
fundamental beliefs in common. This
relationship was nourished, and maintained by
the colonial authorities that governed the
Nigerian state then. Freedom of worship was
emphasized, and equally enforced by
government.
The background of the current sour
relationship between the two predominant
faiths in Nigeria was the ethno-religious
sentiment and fervour used to interpret the
military coup of January 1966. Consequently,
there was a spurious interpretation of the
factors building up to the civil war which
started in May 1967, along ethno-religious divide
of the country. Christian missionaries were
accused of showing sympathy and support for
Biafrans, while the entire Muslim Umar were
conceived to have approached the war as a
religious course. When Biafra lost the war, the
muslim north saw it as a victory for their geo-
religious extraction. Consequently, mission
schools which gave Igbos an edge in education,
and human development was weakened with a
policy that nationalized them. With this
conception internalized in the mind of the
populace, religious practice became a very
volatile institution in the Nigerian state. Isichei
(1995:342) underscores this, as she notes that:
“Christian-Muslim conflict became much more of
a reality in the two decades that followed. Many
Christians in the south accepted Muslim political
dominance, preferring this to the risk of further
bloodshed, but there was always an underlying
tension”.
The build-up to the incessant muslim-
Christian conflict in the country has its
antecedents, and catalyst in the 1977-78
Constituent Assembly debate, over the
establishment, and membership of the Sharia
Court of appeal. Religious freedom was on the
verge of abuse in the infamous and unpopular
debate. In 1982 some churches in Kano were
burnt down by Muslim fundamentalists, who
felt that the Anglicans had no freedom to
expand their church building, which was in close
proximity to a Mosque, (Ibrahim cited in Isichei,
1995:411). In 1986, the controversial issue of
Nigeria joining the Organization of Islamic
Conference (O.I.C), heightened the religious
tension in the country. Christians became
suspicious of the Babangida led military
government, and the utterances of prominent
Muslims like Shiek Abubakar Gumi. Accusation
of alleged plan to turn the country into an
Islamic state; a situation which will obliterate
the secularity status of the nation and its
constitutional provisions for religious freedom,
loomed large. Christians were agitated. The
situation was like a gun powder waiting to
explode. Every issue in the country was hence
forth attached religious implication that must
be resisted by the other group. This was the
state and driving force of Muslim-Christian
relations, from the post 1977-78 Constituent
Assembly to the present time that religious
crisis has taken permanence as a structural
property of our social system.
On 6th March, 1986, the second
recorded religious crisis in modern Nigeria took
place. The crisis was sequel to a
misunderstanding between Muslim Students
Society (MSS) and the Fellowship of Christian
Students (FCS) at the Federal College of
Education, Kafanchan, Kaduna State. The riot
spread to neighbouring states. At the end of the
uprising which lasted for about two weeks, “a
total of 19 people were killed, and 152 churches
and five Mosques destroyed” (Ibrahim, cited in
Isichei 1995:343). Some prominent Muslims
noted with dismay the level of Christian
involvement in group violence, to the extent of
killing Muslims, as unprecedented, (This Week,
1987:16). Political religion, and mutual suspicion
therefore, became a front burner in Muslim –
Christian relations. Takaya (1992:113-114), notes
the dangerous legacy of the Sharia debate of the
1977-78 Constituent Assembly, that: … then,
religious politicization in Nigeria only grew
deeper, such that both Christian, and Muslim
leaders tend to weigh every government
decision in terms of their respective religions;
calculating, therefore, their possible gains and
losses.
Religious tension and crisis nurtured
during the military era were carried over to the
present democratic government. First was the
July 1999 religious uprising in Sagamu. The crisis
claimed about 50 lives with Churches, Mosques
and industrial institutions raised down, (The
Punch 19, July, 1999, The Guardian July 19, 1999).
In the year 2000, Muslims, and
Christians were at it again, in what became
known as the Kaduna 2000 ethno-religious
clashes. The crisis was over the introduction of
Sharia Law in paths of the North. Between 21 &
23 February, about 3000 lives were lost in
Kaduna city alone. The colossal loss of Christian
lives (Southerners), resident in the North led to
reprisal attack in the eastern city of Aba. The
result of the reprisal attack was the loss of
about 450 more lives. Kaduna, yet experienced
another episode of religious uprising in May 22
& 23, 2002, in which over 300 lives were lost. In
November 2002, Kaduna was yet engulfed by
another religious uprising, spearheaded by
rampaging Muslims who were angered by a This
Day Newspaper remark about Mohammed, in
the context of an analysis of the Miss World
Beauty Pageant slated to hold in Nigeria that
month. The riot even spread to Abuja.
Between 2001 and 2004, Plateau was a
spotlight of ethno-religious crisis. The first
episode was on September 9, 2001. The crisis
claimed many lives and properties worth
billions of naira. On Sunday February 23, the
Hausa-Fulani Muslim Youths carried out an
organized attack on kafirs (non believers of
Islam). The attack spread to Yelwa and Shedam.
Christian lives and property were violently
destroyed in an unprecedented magnitude, notes
Bakoji & Onoja (2004). The crisis also spread to
Kano. In a 3 day reprisal attack of Christians,
and non-indigenes by Muslim Youths, 40 persons
were killed, according to official records.
Several hundreds of people were injured, while
thousands of people became homeless and
refuges. In 2008, Jos was yet another spotlight of
fierce religious crisis. Several lives and
properties were destroyed.
The scenario of religious conflict is a
distraction to Christianity. It threatens the
freedom of Christians to profess and live their
faith in Nigeria. Nigerian Christians are faced
with the challenge of peaceful co-existence, and
inter-religious tolerance and respect. The
challenge of elusive dialogue between the two
dominant religions starr at them. This will
continue to affect Christian practice until better
relationship with Muslims is fostered.
foreign religions, and were gladly embraced by
the people. The two religions drew a sketchy
geo-social divide. In spite of the presence of
faithfuls of the two religions in all parts of the
country, the north is predominantly Muslim and
the south predominantly Christians. The two
faiths exists side by side, sharing some
fundamental beliefs in common. This
relationship was nourished, and maintained by
the colonial authorities that governed the
Nigerian state then. Freedom of worship was
emphasized, and equally enforced by
government.
The background of the current sour
relationship between the two predominant
faiths in Nigeria was the ethno-religious
sentiment and fervour used to interpret the
military coup of January 1966. Consequently,
there was a spurious interpretation of the
factors building up to the civil war which
started in May 1967, along ethno-religious divide
of the country. Christian missionaries were
accused of showing sympathy and support for
Biafrans, while the entire Muslim Umar were
conceived to have approached the war as a
religious course. When Biafra lost the war, the
muslim north saw it as a victory for their geo-
religious extraction. Consequently, mission
schools which gave Igbos an edge in education,
and human development was weakened with a
policy that nationalized them. With this
conception internalized in the mind of the
populace, religious practice became a very
volatile institution in the Nigerian state. Isichei
(1995:342) underscores this, as she notes that:
“Christian-Muslim conflict became much more of
a reality in the two decades that followed. Many
Christians in the south accepted Muslim political
dominance, preferring this to the risk of further
bloodshed, but there was always an underlying
tension”.
The build-up to the incessant muslim-
Christian conflict in the country has its
antecedents, and catalyst in the 1977-78
Constituent Assembly debate, over the
establishment, and membership of the Sharia
Court of appeal. Religious freedom was on the
verge of abuse in the infamous and unpopular
debate. In 1982 some churches in Kano were
burnt down by Muslim fundamentalists, who
felt that the Anglicans had no freedom to
expand their church building, which was in close
proximity to a Mosque, (Ibrahim cited in Isichei,
1995:411). In 1986, the controversial issue of
Nigeria joining the Organization of Islamic
Conference (O.I.C), heightened the religious
tension in the country. Christians became
suspicious of the Babangida led military
government, and the utterances of prominent
Muslims like Shiek Abubakar Gumi. Accusation
of alleged plan to turn the country into an
Islamic state; a situation which will obliterate
the secularity status of the nation and its
constitutional provisions for religious freedom,
loomed large. Christians were agitated. The
situation was like a gun powder waiting to
explode. Every issue in the country was hence
forth attached religious implication that must
be resisted by the other group. This was the
state and driving force of Muslim-Christian
relations, from the post 1977-78 Constituent
Assembly to the present time that religious
crisis has taken permanence as a structural
property of our social system.
On 6th March, 1986, the second
recorded religious crisis in modern Nigeria took
place. The crisis was sequel to a
misunderstanding between Muslim Students
Society (MSS) and the Fellowship of Christian
Students (FCS) at the Federal College of
Education, Kafanchan, Kaduna State. The riot
spread to neighbouring states. At the end of the
uprising which lasted for about two weeks, “a
total of 19 people were killed, and 152 churches
and five Mosques destroyed” (Ibrahim, cited in
Isichei 1995:343). Some prominent Muslims
noted with dismay the level of Christian
involvement in group violence, to the extent of
killing Muslims, as unprecedented, (This Week,
1987:16). Political religion, and mutual suspicion
therefore, became a front burner in Muslim –
Christian relations. Takaya (1992:113-114), notes
the dangerous legacy of the Sharia debate of the
1977-78 Constituent Assembly, that: … then,
religious politicization in Nigeria only grew
deeper, such that both Christian, and Muslim
leaders tend to weigh every government
decision in terms of their respective religions;
calculating, therefore, their possible gains and
losses.
Religious tension and crisis nurtured
during the military era were carried over to the
present democratic government. First was the
July 1999 religious uprising in Sagamu. The crisis
claimed about 50 lives with Churches, Mosques
and industrial institutions raised down, (The
Punch 19, July, 1999, The Guardian July 19, 1999).
In the year 2000, Muslims, and
Christians were at it again, in what became
known as the Kaduna 2000 ethno-religious
clashes. The crisis was over the introduction of
Sharia Law in paths of the North. Between 21 &
23 February, about 3000 lives were lost in
Kaduna city alone. The colossal loss of Christian
lives (Southerners), resident in the North led to
reprisal attack in the eastern city of Aba. The
result of the reprisal attack was the loss of
about 450 more lives. Kaduna, yet experienced
another episode of religious uprising in May 22
& 23, 2002, in which over 300 lives were lost. In
November 2002, Kaduna was yet engulfed by
another religious uprising, spearheaded by
rampaging Muslims who were angered by a This
Day Newspaper remark about Mohammed, in
the context of an analysis of the Miss World
Beauty Pageant slated to hold in Nigeria that
month. The riot even spread to Abuja.
Between 2001 and 2004, Plateau was a
spotlight of ethno-religious crisis. The first
episode was on September 9, 2001. The crisis
claimed many lives and properties worth
billions of naira. On Sunday February 23, the
Hausa-Fulani Muslim Youths carried out an
organized attack on kafirs (non believers of
Islam). The attack spread to Yelwa and Shedam.
Christian lives and property were violently
destroyed in an unprecedented magnitude, notes
Bakoji & Onoja (2004). The crisis also spread to
Kano. In a 3 day reprisal attack of Christians,
and non-indigenes by Muslim Youths, 40 persons
were killed, according to official records.
Several hundreds of people were injured, while
thousands of people became homeless and
refuges. In 2008, Jos was yet another spotlight of
fierce religious crisis. Several lives and
properties were destroyed.
The scenario of religious conflict is a
distraction to Christianity. It threatens the
freedom of Christians to profess and live their
faith in Nigeria. Nigerian Christians are faced
with the challenge of peaceful co-existence, and
inter-religious tolerance and respect. The
challenge of elusive dialogue between the two
dominant religions starr at them. This will
continue to affect Christian practice until better
relationship with Muslims is fostered.
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